Fragments of a parchment leaf with parts of Book seven of ilias (H 182–195, H 218–230, H 250–255, H 285–289), shortly described by B.P. Grenfell and A.s. Hunt in the oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. Xi (london 1915), under number 1389, now lodged in the Bridwell library, southern Methodist university (Bridwell Papyrus no. 5).
Edition of Psi inv. 1604 verso, a private letter written in the third century A.d. by a person whose name starts Nemesi[, who cites Tebtynis and kerkesephis, talking about a threatening situation and the existence of a dispute, and asking that his slaves and his sister come to him in the south.
This article analyses the Vienna Epigrams Papyrus (cPr XXXiii) from the point of view of its content, form, and internal organisation. with its predilection for erotic, sympotic, and satirical compositions, the papyrus shows, as early as the 3rd century Ad, the presence of scoptic themes, hitherto considered to be typical of the imperial age. its great variety of meters and lengths shows that the epigrammatic form was still perceived as something ‘fluid’ and was not clearly distinguished from elegy, iambics, and sympotic σκόλια. As to its organisational principles, although the list would appear to reflect an accurate editorial project, it does not seem to extensivily apply the organisational criteria of the other epigrammatic anthologies known to us via papyri or the Byzantine tradition.
The present paper includes four paragraphs whose headings and contents are: 1. BGU IV 1089: Πῶις, Σενεθῶθις e altrο. The new readings of ll. 1, 5, 11, 26 provide important topographical data of the Hermopolite nomos. 2. P.Flor. III 356: ancora sull’annotazione del verso. new text of the docket on the back of a lease of land. 3. PSI I 37: nuova trascrizione. The receipt’s true text removes inaccuracies of ddbdP and restores the correct readings of Medea norsa. 4. SB I 5223: riedizione del recto, edizione del verso. The recto-text is quite different from the text showed in the ed. pr. of 1889; the verso-text was still unpublished.
This brief contribution wants to try to expose and bring attention on the use and distribution that has the symbol θ (i.e. theta nigrum, indicating the death of soldiers) in the papyrus documents, although through the few and fragmentary attestations, and considering the epigraphical sources and papyri, coming from all over the roman Empire.
In some passages of his work De Iside et Osiride, Plutarch deals with the issue of the Egyptian notion of soul and its manifestations. in all cases, Plutarch uses the Greek term ψυχή to make reference to the “soul” in which, according to him, ancient Egyptians believed. As a result, Plutarch presupposes the existence of an anthropological dualism – similar to the Greek one – in the Egyptian ontological thought. However, in ancient Egyptian mind-set, a concept similar to the western notion of soul never existed: only from the coptic period onwards, with the introduction of the Greek term ψυχή as a loanword to make allusion to the christian notion of soul, it is possible to consider that the anthropological conception was dualist in Egypt as it is described in Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride.
This paper investigates the archaeological picture of “everyday writing” in the Ptolemaic-roman settlement of karanis. “Everyday writing” is defined as “the act of writing using materials that can reasonably be assumed to have been available to anyone, regardless of socioeconomic status.” with regard to writing implements, the paper shows that palettes are found in significant numbers in roman contexts. it hypothesizes that a demotic literary culture surrounding the temples might explain this result. with regard to media of writing, the paper argues that the archaeological record is skewed towards papyri and ostraca. it concludes that the archaeological record underrepresents the importance of tablets.
The fieldwork was mainly concentrated on the clearing of the later added building at the south-western corner of the new church d5 at the place where formerly the chiostro of the little church with the crypt was located. The function of this additional chamber is not clear. significantly all its walls were supplied with tall wall niches. it seems that at the opposite north-western corner, where everything has been destroyed, a similar addition with a symmetrical design was once extant. some final cleaning in the sanctuary of the large church d5 revealed that the southern pastophorium was the best preserved part of the church containing still the complete set of its interior equipment.
The fieldwork brought new observations on the building remains outside the northern wall of the church d5, supporting at the same time the hypothesis that they belong to a kind of palace building as do the large reception halls at the eastern end of the complex serving probably for the needs of the bishop of the town. significant are the remains of the slightly centrally placed peristyle. still not clear is the question how this palace was connected with the church. no significant traces of the position of a door were unearthed so far. some christian burials in the room to the west of the peristyle point to the fact that at the end the area of the palace was used as a cemetery.